Instigator / Pro
1500
rating
3
debates
66.67%
won
Topic
#6026

Does White Privilege Exist in the US

Status
Debating

Waiting for the next argument from the instigator.

Round will be automatically forfeited in:

00
DD
:
00
HH
:
00
MM
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00
SS
Parameters
Publication date
Last updated date
Type
Standard
Number of rounds
4
Time for argument
One week
Max argument characters
30,000
Voting period
Two weeks
Point system
Multiple criterions
Voting system
Open
Contender / Con
1442
rating
52
debates
58.65%
won
Description

I saw an interesting debate on here I did not see in time to accept, so I decided to just create the debate myself (Again, since this is not my original idea). I will be arguing Pro- Which means that I will be arguing the White privilege does exist and impacts minorities in a negative way, especially inside the US (I would argue that it affects Black people the most). Con will argue that White privilege does not exist in the US. The first round, my opponent can give definitions (My definition for this is "White privilege- White privilege refers to the unearned advantages afforded to people who are assumed, based largely on complexion and related physical features, to be of European ancestry." (Riders University). Argument time is one week, due to me working more than one job at the moment. I look forward to whoever I interact with!

Round 1
Pro
#1
Before starting I would like to first thank my opponent for being willing to debate me. To start, I will mention that I did provide my definition for White Privilege in the description (I will also put it here so that other individuals notice it as well), which is defined a “White privilege refers to the unearned advantages afforded to people who are assumed, based largely on complexion and related physical features, to be of European ancestry.” (Rider). In addition to this, I will also definite racism as “the incitation of discrimination, hatred or violence towards a person or a group of persons because of their origin or their belonging, or not belonging, to a specific ethnic group or race” (Cornell), and individuals racism as “support or perpetuate racism in conscious and unconscious ways” (Cornell). In addition to this I will also define institutional racism as the process by which racial oppression is imposed on subordinate racial groups by dominant racial groups through institutional channels” (California State University Northridge). The importance of defining these terms are important, because having White privilege doesn’t make someone racist, but racism is called to be the item that pollutes the atmosphere for white privilege to happen. (Salsbury.edu). To make my case I will provide a methodology to determine truth and several sub categories to make my point. Occasionally I will cite history, because my opponent and I will probably differ on how much racism impacts society.
What I am not claiming
To start, I will say that I am not claiming that there aren’t white individuals who work hard to obtain success. I start with this, because I know individuals who feel white privilege is an attack on how hard they work (I am a PhD student at the University of Southern Mississippi. That took hard work and I am still broke lol!) (Salsbury.edu). This debate is also not to say that minorities can not achieve success. We have seen minorities reach great levels of success in the U.S., but we even noticed this back during the time racism was more apparent (Givens, 2023). I mention this, because White Privilege does not mean this, but more so shows that there are advantages that white individuals have based on the color of their skin (Salsbury.edu). This of course is shown on multiple metrics.
Methodology
To start, my method will focus on reliability as stated by Andy Field, which states “ which is whether an instrument can be interpreted consistently across different situations” (Field, 2018). In addition to this I will use a variety of different studies with different methodologies that are meant to get to causation (Myers et al., 2017). These methods reduce bias, because they are used in a variety of different fields such as biology, education, behavioral science, and medicine (Field, 2018; Myers et al., 2017) (I say this, because with this being a political topic, individuals do like to claim items through media outlets alone. I’m not claiming my opponent will lol!).
Hiring Data
To start, most minorities are shown to be discriminated in the hiring process. This can be shown with multiple studies through different time periods. To start, from multiple studies dating back from 2003 and heading to our modern era, we see that minorities are 50% less likely to obtain a call back from jobs (Chicago booth; Quillan & Le, 2023). In addition to this we see that the wage gap between minorities and white people is giant, and is shown to be like this when factoring equal credentials (Berkeley).  Along with that the pay gap between minorities can be shown to possibly be discriminatory, because when we look closer into the data, we see that this difference is also shown when comparing highly educated individuals of both races, and individuals without degrees when comparing minorities with white people. To further the claim of racial discrimination between hiring practices, a meta analysis of 90 studies from 1985-2019 show hiring practices towards callbacks for jobs have remained the same, with most minority groups inside 6 different countries including the U.S. (Quillan & Le, 2023). With the scope of this study focusing on the U.S., I will focus primarily on the United States as much as possible. When reading this study viewing the U.S. only, it showed hiring practices with callbacks remained the same with white individuals receiving far more call backs than minorities, with the exception of this studies inability to predict hiring practices towards Asians, and Latin Americans (Quillan & Le, 2023). In addition to this, there was a major spike towards hiring practices with Muslims (Quillan & Le, 2023).
Economic advantages
As shown by Berliner & Hermans, economic distribution can be cited as white privilege due to individuals in white family's being able to have better opportunities on average (Berliner & Hermans, 2022). This is typically shown in a significant way when we view data on how unevenly income distribution is shown (Pew research). One could obviously try and say that there are poor white people as well, but the system itself has been set up to disadvantage minorities since it was created. This can be shown with how slavery affected outcomes in the U.S., due to white people having access to more opportunities, which affects minorities due to white people being able to place money back for more generations compared to other minorities (Givens, 2023; Berliner & Hermans 2022).  This also matches with discriminatory hiring practices as well, that also affects this due to minorities being given less opportunities, even in our modern era. 
DEI
DEI, is something one may argue doesn’t affect white privilege, but I would argue that it does. Simply put, a study was conducted to show how minorities were affected within a workplace program due to hiring managers viewpoints towards certain political parties, especially involving Donald Trump (Rice et al., 2024). Minorities who worked under bosses that claimed to heavily support Trump (These individuals are ones who are very open about it), claimed to have experienced worse treatment when compared to when they were hired by more left leaning, or not as vocal hiring managers (Rice et al., 2024). I could argue how Trump is racist, with policy decisions and actions with how he did not reject the support of former KKK members and his call to remove DEI from various institutions and work places (Rice et al., 2024; Osterage, 2025). 
Allocation of resources and Opportunities
Most individuals would admit that slavery was a harmful practice, which hurt obtainment for success of minorities in the future. One can see my citations in relation to discriminatory hiring practices, but individuals such as African American Scholar Cater G. Woodson (The second African American to hold a PhD), mentioned that after slavery, minorities did not have skills to help them achieve success right after slavery (Woodson, 2018). With White individuals not going through this harsh practice in a wide spread manner, allowed more resources to be saved over a longer period of time. In history, we can see that opportunities have been taken from minorities throughout history from unfair racial practices, which lasted all the way through the 60s (Givens, 2023). An example of this would be unfair distribution of resources, through Plessy vs. Ferguson and has even been fought against after Brown vs. Board of education happened (Givens, 2023). Even after the fight to desegregate school happened, it was never successful which still impacts funding in the school systems (I will go more in detail later). From this, we see the same issues with underfunding, which came all the way back from separate but equal due to the way funds for schools are obtained. Schools obtain funds through local property tax, which means that minority schools have remained underfunded over time (Berliner & Hermans, 2022).
Unfair School opportunities
In the previous section I mentioned that minorities schools have remained underfunded, which is typically labeled as white individuals having a form of white privilege, due to this unfair issue dating back to the time severe racism was more prevalent (I would argue we are going backwards, which I will in later) (Berliner & Hermans, 2022). These unfair opportunities will continue to arise due to the school choice movement taking away funds from poor public schools, which will affect minorities the most (Berliner & Hermans, 2022). This can be proven, because our schools are becoming more segregated as a result of this movement, where schools that have primarily white students are funded more than schools with black students, which result in worse outcome for minorities (Berliner & Hermans, 2022; Frankenburg et al., 2011). Worse outcomes for education for minorities would impact their ability to improve upon opportunities in the future (Frankeburg et al., 2011).  
White Washed History
Individuals who are minority often have their history covered up to a form of white washed history (Givens, 2023). This is so demonstrably true because we can see how minorities during slavery were forced to wear clothing that felt like pins sticking into someone’s skin, Jefferson saying that the first book a poem written by Phillis Wheatley did not happen through this author because she was black and not smart enough due to her skin color, and mistreatment of minorities trying to learn behind the slave masters back (Givens, 2023). Many didn’t know how cruel white individuals were during slavery and throughout history. Most people don’t know minorities were essential to the creation of public schools and how white people continued to run them out (Givens, 2023). This has implications today, because we still see white washed history and many individuals who are more extremist republicans try to make this white washing even worse. Examples of this is how Trump in his first term tried to create patriot education to further create racist ideals. To start Trump tried to take away the word slavery, and replace it with workers in this curriculum (Pene, 2020). One could see how examples of how this minimizes how horrid this practice was in the previous section based on Jarvis Givens book (Givens, 2023). The sad thing about this, is that this action resembles how the old school confederates, changed history books to make the civil war mainly about state rights, while slavery was downplayed (Pene, 2020). These textbooks in the south continued until 2018 (Pene, 2020). We can see how this has emboldened the movement of these more strongly conservative individuals, based on my previous sections and from the words of this author (Pene, 2020). We will also see this in my next section with the increase in hate crimes.
Hate Crime Data
A statistical website shows that there has been a steady increase in hate crimes over the past decade. In 2023 there was a total of 11,800 hate crimes. There was a noticeable increase in violent crime towards Asian Americans between 2018-2020 with a “73 percent increase, from 161 reported cases in 2019 to 279 cases in 2020” (statista.com). This still pales in comparison to hate crimes on black individuals which resulted in “2,871 incidents in 2020, a 49 percent increase from 2019” during the same time period (statista.com). We can see that white privilege extends to this as well, because this is significantly different when compared to white individuals based on models presented bus statisticians such as Andy Field (Field, 2018). 
Prison Rate
Now I am not going to make an argument from white privilege due to prison rates. I can prove racism does exist within the prison system, which will require me to share the statistics to set my argument up to show how racism exists. Remember based on one of my citations, racism is a precursor for white privilege so statistics should be shared more so for academic completion (Salabury.edu). My main argument will be based on qualitative data, that minorities are typically treated worse in the prison system, which would be issues that white individuals are less likely to experience (Anamma, 2018). Adding the quantitative data in as well will improve my reliability (John Hopkins). The prison rates for most minorities are disproportionate especially for black people. Other ethnic groups that are incarcerated at a higher rate than white people are Lantinix individuals, biracial individuals, and Native Americans (Libguides). The table on this page's site shows the top ten states with the highest incarnation rates, and if you view the table which is labeled as table 3, you can see that minorities make up triple the prison rates as white individuals. When viewing this nationwide, minorities are locked up 5 times more than individuals who are white (Libguides). To make my point with treatment in the system, the school to prison pipeline research shows that minorities who are locked up early on are likely to continue repeating this cycle (Anamma, 2018). In addition, this has kept being cycled through for generations which hurts opportunities for minorities. Along with this, we see that many of the issues that got these children locked up in the first case, were simple items that would not have gotten white children locked up for committing the same crime (Anamma, 2018). Additional issues with many of these punishments are that many  individuals of power ignore the situation these students are in (Annamma 2018). Examples of this in the literature are fleeing from abusive parents, joining gangs to be safe in rough neighborhood due to poverty, hitting their own siblings in foster care, or having to take care of younger siblings which causes missed school days/instances of worse things from schools (Annamma 2018). We see from this that many of these individuals become more likely to be criminals after having to go centers such as the ones cited in this book (Anamma, 2018). 
Police Brutality 
Police brutality, can be shown to be an item of White privilege due to there being a statistically significant difference between brutality rates in White people vs minorities. This means when accounting for all the variables a researcher should, it is statically significant when viewing differences (Field, 2018). From this Police Brutality has been shown to affect minorities more than white people, by a significant margin (Libguides). To cite Brookings.edu “Of all Black people killed by police, Black emerging adults accounted for 31 percent, despite representing only 12 percent of the Black population and just one percent of the entire U.S. population. On average, Black emerging adults are five times more likely to be killed by a police officer than a white emerging adult and nearly three times more likely than a Latinx emerging adult. Further, Latinx emerging adults are about two times more likely to be killed than white emerging adults.” (Brookings). When comparing this with the school to prison pipeline data, one could make an argument that many within this system are racist, which would show white privelege exists due to this not being near as likely with white people (Anamma, 2018).
Causation and Debate Argumentation
In this debate, so far I have used several different methods to reach causation that my opponent would have to argue against to claim white privilege doesn’t exist. First I cited studies using different research methodologies, which is important in research (Salisbury.edu). In addition to this I used different statistical methods to improve reliability “which is whether an instrument can be interpreted consistently across different situations.”, which even included multivariate testing (This is important, because multiple variables predict different things) (Field, 2018). Finally I mixed qualitative data with quantitative data, which gets to causation through helping interpret quantitative data through interviews and observations (John Hopkins; Campbell & Stanley 1959). Even though this is the end of my methodology section, I have also used multiple historical sources, which is acceptable to use in different research methodologies as well, even though it is not as strong of a predictor at times (Onzbugy & Frels, 2016). Along with using a robust methodology, I have cited a wealth of data, in which most will have to be countered to show white privilege doesn’t exist (Due to this focusing on reliability across multiple areas that link together). In conclusion I continue to thank my opponent, as I wait for his response.
Refrences 
Annamma, S. A. (2018). Thepedagogy of pathologization: Dis/abled girls of color in the schoolprisonnexus. New York: Routledge.
Berliner, D. C., &Hermanns, C. (2022). Public Education Defending a Cornerstone of American Democracy. Teachers College Press,Teachers College, Columbia University.
Givens, J. R. (2023). School clothes: A collective memoir of Black Student Witness. BEACON.
Legal Information Institute. (n.d.). Racism. Legal Information Institute. https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/racism
Pene, M. (2020, October 24). Patriotic Education is a whitewashing of history. UT News.
From 2003: Racial bias in hiring. The University of Chicago Booth School of Business. (n.d.). https://www.chicagobooth.edu/review/racial-bias-hiring
Quillian, L., & Lee, J. J. (2023). Trends in racial and ethnic discrimination in hiring in six Western countries. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 120(6). https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2212875120
SBU Online February 16, 2022, Maral Gorginpour      January 24, 2025, admin      October 3, 2024, & SBU Online September 24, 2024. (2022, May 3). Diversity, equity, and inclusion: Why it matters. Online Masters Programs from St. Bonaventure University. https://online.sbu.edu/news/why-dei-matters
Ostrager, A.-E., Jordan, J., & High, T. R. (2025, February 10). President Trump acts to roll back dei initiatives. The Harvard Law School Forum on Corporate Governance. https://corpgov.law.harvard.edu/2025/02/10/president-trump-acts-to-roll-back-dei-initiatives/
Libguides: Incarcerated populations: Racial disparities. Racial Disparities - Incarcerated Populations - LibGuides at Duquesne University. (n.d.). https://guides.library.duq.edu/incarceration/race
Henderson, H., Suddler, C., Frimpong, K., Lauren Bauer, S. G., & Katharine Meyer, R. M. P. (2024, July 30). A crisis within a crisis: Police killings of Black Emerging Adults. Brookings. https://www.brookings.edu/articles/a-crisis-within-a-crisis-police-killings-of-black-emerging-adults/
Meyers, L.S., Gamst, G., & Guarino, A. J. (2017). Applied Multivariate Research: Design and Interpretation, 3rd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Rice, D. B., Young, N. C., Taylor, R. M., & Leonard, S. R. (2024). politics and race in the workplace: Understanding how and when trump‐supporting managers hinder black employees from thriving at work. Human Resource Management Journal, 35(1), 256–275. https://doi.org/10.1111/1748-8583.12564
Onwuegbuzie, A. J., & Frels,R. (2016). Seven steps to a comprehensive literature review. Sage.
Frankenberg, E., Siegel-Hawley, G.,& Wang, J. (2011). Choice without equity:  charter schoolsegregation. Education PolicyAnalysis Archives, 19, 1. https://doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v19n1.2011
Woodson, C. G. (2018). The Mis-education of the negro. Youcanprint.
Con
#2
I would also like to thank my opponent for their first argument. As for my part, given the vast quantity of claims my opponent has made, I will try addressing them directly and demonstrating that white privilege is not a true phenomenon, as my opponent claims.
first argument hiring data does not prove discrimination
While my opponent claims statistical data proves hiring discrimination against minorities—citing fewer callbacks and lower average salaries—these statistics do not conclusively demonstrate systemic bias. Factors such as career preferences and educational backgrounds provide alternative explanations. For instance, some studies indicate that minorities tend to apply more frequently to certain lower-paying sectors, contributing to income disparities. Furthermore, differences in educational quality and attainment significantly influence job readiness and starting salaries.
Moreover, the statistical likelihood of minorities receiving fewer callbacks compared to whites can be partially attributed to their proportionally smaller representation in the overall population. This inherent numerical disadvantage means that, even without discrimination, a smaller pool of minority candidates will naturally receive fewer callbacks than a larger pool of white candidates.
Whites do not have an inherent economic advantage due to white privilege
It is factually true that, on average, white households in the United States possess greater wealth than minority households. For example, the median white household had $188,200 in wealth in 2019, compared to $24,100 for the median Black household and $36,100 for the median Hispanic household. However, this disparity does not automatically validate the claim that white privilege is the sole or even primary cause, nor does it imply that the system was intentionally designed to disadvantage minorities from its inception. The United States has a long history of economic inequality that has affected various groups, regardless of race. Factors such as historical events, policy decisions, and social structures have contributed to these disparities.
Even during periods of slavery and racial segregation in the United States, the majority of white people did not benefit economically. Wealth and power were concentrated in the hands of a small elite, even among white Americans. This pattern of wealth concentration has persisted throughout history, with a small percentage of the population, regardless of race, holding a disproportionate share of the nation's resources.
DEI is a terrible argument for Pro to make since it's not about privilege.
The pro argument seems to be based on a study that only states that certain job managers made minorities' lives hell. However, this is not a white privilege concept, because businesses are hierarchies that allow people in positions the ability to create great or toxic work environments, regardless of race.
It's common for employees, regardless of race, to encounter supervisors or colleagues with differing opinions, and sometimes, employees may feel compelled to conform to these opinions despite personal disagreement. This is often an unavoidable aspect of navigating workplace dynamics. Given that white individuals statistically comprise the majority of the U.S. workforce, they are also statistically more likely to experience negative interactions with superiors or be employed in less desirable, low-wage jobs with difficult working conditions.
The pro’s argument for allocation of resources and opportunities is fundamentally flawed.
While it is true that slavery and subsequent Jim Crow laws significantly hindered the progress of African Americans in the United States, it is also important to acknowledge that the majority of white people during these periods did not significantly benefit from this system. Slavery and the economic model it supported primarily enriched a small minority of families, leaving the majority of white individuals with limited economic opportunities and often struggling alongside enslaved people.
A core component of my opponent's argument is the claim that resources and opportunities are unfairly distributed in the United States. While it is undeniable that disparities in resource allocation exist, it's important to acknowledge that a perfectly equitable distribution has never existed in US history, regardless of race. Throughout history, various groups have experienced periods of hardship and limited access to resources, not always along racial lines.
In the landmark case of Brown v. Board of Education, the Supreme Court's decision aimed to eliminate segregation in schools. While initial enforcement faced resistance, the core legal principle of the ruling was upheld. The outcome of the case was to prevent schools from being legally segregated, and today, no school is legally permitted to be exclusively white or black and receive government funding. The focus of Brown v. Board was not on the equal allocation of resources, but rather on desegregation.
The fact that both Black and white students attend the same public and private educational institutions means that unequal school funding is not an act of white privilege. The problems plaguing public schools, which receive more funding than private schools, stem from a complex interplay of factors including family challenges, the influence of gang culture, and issues of propriety.
Pro has misrepresented school opportunities.
The school choice movement is not an example of white privilege or a tool for segregating students. This movement simply allows families to choose where they want to send their children, instead of being limited to mandatory public school attendance. While the school choice movement is controversial, with some expressing concern that it could lead to increased racial segregation, it is designed to be available to everyone, regardless of race. In fact, it can be argued that school choice promotes racial integration by enabling students to attend schools outside of their immediate neighborhoods. For example, a student from a poor Black family could use a voucher to attend a higher-quality school in a neighboring, more affluent (and often whiter) district.
My opponent has misrepresented the issue of school funding by implying that schools with predominantly white students receive more funding than those with predominantly Black students. School funding is not legally allocated based on the racial composition of the student body. While statistical disparities in funding may exist, these statistics do not equate to legal racial segregation, as minority students are not excluded from attending schools with a white majority.
My opponent's arguments rely heavily on statistical data, which can be manipulated to support various conclusions. While these statistics may point to disparities, they fail to address the numerous individual exceptions that contradict the narrative of systemic white privilege. The fact that many minorities achieve significant success in various fields demonstrates that the system does not inherently prevent individual advancement, challenging the notion of pervasive white privilege.
Addressing Pro’s whitewash claims
It is true that historical figures like Thomas Jefferson attempted to downplay or ignore the achievements of Black Americans. However, these attempts to whitewash history have been documented and ultimately thwarted, demonstrating that such efforts are not only recognized but also actively challenged by academic institutions around the world, particularly in the United States, where the atrocities of slavery are thoroughly taught. The primary instances of historical whitewashing occur in the South, which holds less credibility in the broader historical academic community.
A portion of Pro’s argument is correct in that many people are not aware that enslaved people were used to create many public schools. However, the fact that Blacks were not allowed in public schools is not a hidden fact. The enslavement of African Americans and the refusal to integrate with them once they were freed is well known and taught. This further disproves Pro’s arguments about whitewashing.
My opponent's argument about Trump and the Radical Republicans inadvertently undermines their own position. The fact that efforts to remove the word ""slavery"" from history books were unsuccessful demonstrates a rejection of historical whitewashing by American society, directly contradicting the claim that white privilege is a fact.
This attempt at so called ""white washing"" is not exclusive to the right as leftists are guilty of this act too. The left has tried to remove the word ""bossy"" from the first amendment in order to stop men from supposedly putting women down. The fact that this failed highlights that America is not easy to whitewash and could be interpreted as an example of female privilege, according to Pro's logic.
My opponent's arguments about hate crimes are purely statistical, with no substantive support. They argue that whites enjoy privilege because they supposedly have lower hate crime statistics. This is a biased conclusion, as it is a well-known fact that media outlets actively ignore white victims in favor of minorities.
Studies have shown that the perception of white privilege can lead to cases of hate crimes against white victims being underreported or disbelieved, which suggests that the concept of white privilege can disadvantage white individuals in certain situations.
My opponent's arguments rely heavily on statistical data, which can be manipulated to support various conclusions. While these statistics may point to disparities, they fail to address the numerous individual exceptions that contradict the narrative of systemic white privilege. Pro has primarily looked up a few websites, found the numbers needed to make their argument, and wrote based on it. They have no other forms of information other than numbers, and numbers, though factual in a mathematics sense, do not factually support the argument overall.
In regards to Pro’s claims about prison statistics. The United States is statistically one of the most incarcerated nations in the world. While it may be true that minorities have a higher rate of reoffending, they do not make up the majority of the prison population due to their population differences in the country's prison system overall.
Claims that prisons treat minorities worse than whites are an oversimplification. While reoffending rates may be higher for minorities, the majority of the United States prison population is white. The fact that many individuals, regardless of race, struggle to find employment and housing after release suggests that the high recidivism rates are a broader societal issue of ineffective criminal rehabilitation, rather than a problem of mistreatment within prisons.
My opponent makes a baseless claim that minorities are more likely to be imprisoned for the same crimes as whites. It is legally impossible for a Black person to be imprisoned for an act that would not also result in the imprisonment of a white person, if convicted of the same crime. My opponent also accuses people in power of ""ignoring the issues of students,"" but the issues they mention—family abuse and gang involvement—are not issues that those in power can directly solve. Family abuse is already criminalized, and gang involvement is a criminal act, not something authorities are responsible for. While I agree that these factors increase the likelihood of criminal behavior, they do not absolve individuals of responsibility for their actions, regardless of their race.
The fact that my opponent openly states, ""Police brutality can be shown to be an item of white privilege due to there being a statistically significant difference between brutality rates"" demonstrates a reliance on subjective data. For example, Pro tries to claim that ""police brutality has been shown to affect more minorities than whites."" Yet, given that Black people are only 12% of the population, if police brutality were a real threat in America, then statistically whites would have to be the majority of victims overall, simply because there are more white people.
In conclusion, my opponent's arguments, while highlighting disparities, do not provide a comprehensive case for the existence of white privilege. They rely heavily on statistical interpretations, which, as demonstrated, can be misleading and fail to account for other causal factors. The claims of systemic oppression are further undermined by the lack of evidence of codified laws or policies that actively exclude or disenfranchise minorities. While historical injustices undeniably shaped the current landscape, the continued success of many minorities and the legal protections in place today indicate that the system is not inherently designed to perpetuate white privilege.

Round 2
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Round 3
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Round 4
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