If you limit the definition of "extremist incidents" to "incidents motivated by extremist views where violence actually occurs, is attempted, or is substantially plotted," then the numbers drop significantly.
And if you consider only incidents that either are classified as hate crimes or terrorism by law, or were described as having been motivated by extremist views by the press — as most people likely do when they think of "extremist violence" — just 58% of the incidents cited by the ADL fit that definition.
To be sure, the ADL's most promoted and reported statistic — ultrarightist groups accounting for a disproportionate number of hate crimes and acts of terror — still holds up.
What's of concern is the seeming inflation of the overall numbers under the vaguely defined umbrella of "extremist incidents" — by including crimes that are not targeted at minorities — which make extremists appear to be more pervasive than they would otherwise be, with greater context.
It's ultimately an issue of reporting. Complicated issues aren't easy to distill in perfectly formed nuggets, whether they come from a well-respected advocacy organization's press releases or a news organization's headlines.
As I found, it's not an easy job to perfectly analyze hundreds of incidents. This is not to imply the ADL has engaged in bad-faith efforts. But in dealing with such sensitive issues, adding as much context as possible is vital to a greater public understanding of the issue.
An investigation of the ADL's 'extremist incidents' data
With the assistance of Insider reporters and a data analyst, I investigated the data the ADL used to make its H.E.A.T. map, an interactive tool tracking the locations of "all incidents of extremism or anti-Semitism in the United States," covering everything from anti-Semitic graffiti to racist violence to domestic terrorism.
According to the ADL's site, the map was created using "data points extracted from information sources including news and media reports, government documents (including police reports), victim reports, extremist-related sources, Center on Extremism investigations."
On several occasions, I reached out to the ADL for clarification on its criteria. In an email, the ADL directed me to the H.E.A.T. map's frequently-asked-questions page, which does not fully address my questions. But in its 2018 report on extremist violence, the ADL explained: "Extreme causes often attract adherents with violent tendencies—tendencies that are reflected not only in the violence that adherents commit for their cause, but also the violence they commit against others—including rivals, spouses, children and acquaintances."
Reviewing the citations of each incident defined as "Extremist Murders," "Terrorist Plot & Attacks," and "Extremist/Police Shootouts" from 2009-2018 on the ADL's H.E.A.T. map as a starting point, my colleagues and I explored over 500 cases through news reports, law-enforcement announcements, and court documents. The investigation is solely focused on "extremist violence," which we defined as incidents where police reports, court documents, or news articles presented evidence that the incidents were motivated by extremist viewpoints.
The actual number of violent extremist incidents — if defining such crimes as being motivated by bigotry or politics — is much smaller than the ADL's oft-reported overall number.
Many of the ADL's 'extremist incidents' are not motivated by bigotry or politics. They're often extremists killing other extremists.
In several cases I examined, it was clear that while the person or people involved might have ties to extremist groups or hold extremist views, the crimes committed by these people that were classified by the ADL as extremist incidents were not targeting protected identity groups. These would likely be the "non-ideological" crimes the ADL says it includes in its tracking of extremist incidents.
For example, if a methamphetamine dealer who happens to be a member of a racist extremist group kills a rival dealer, the ADL may consider that an "extremist killing." The same seems to be true where white supremacists kill rival white supremacists, or even their own allies they fear are police informants.
There are also cases that defy classification. For example, how does one appropriately classify the case of the former neo-Nazi who killed his roommates for making fun of his newfound Muslim faith? Can this act be properly classified as a hate crime or terrorism?
What appears true — regardless of the definition used to cover extremist incidents — is the theme that emerges from the ADL data: Extremists of all political and prejudiced varieties are typically young men with a history of violence and criminality, often with pronounced mental and emotional issues.
But by painting its findings with such a broad stroke, the ADL data might lead some to conclude that there are significantly more hate crimes and terrorism in the US than actually transpire.
Based on the incidents cited by the ADL, in most years, extremists are just as likely to kill each other, their criminal associates, or their family members as they are to kill people in protected identity groups.
